Pinkwashing: How “The Satanic Temple” Exploits LGBTQ+ Causes as a “Progressive” Fig Leaf

In addition to attempts to shroud its crypto-fascist rape culture with a condescending (pseudo-)“feminist” veneer, another major touchstone of The Satanic Temple’s claims to represent a “progressive” or “left-leaning” tendency within modern Satanism is constituted by the group’s efforts to attach itself to LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, etc.) causes. This can be seen, for example, in the fact that in recent years, contingents of TST members have made appearances in Pride marches (TST AZ, Satanic Temple Seattle). TST’s supporters often cite their support for “LGBTQ+ rights” as a way of derailing conscientization of their underlying ties to white supremacism and neo-fascism.

We see an example of this in Satanic Temple co-founder Douglas Misicko’s essay “Down the Spiral of Purity,” written in response to the secession of the Los Angeles chapter of TST in an act of protest against his decision to associate TST with Marc Randazza, a lawyer who habitually defends right wing extremists in court and has been involved in the case Sines et al v. Kessler et al, whose defendants include members of the neo-Nazi terrorist groups that orchestrated the violent attacks on anti-racists during the infamous August 2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. In the essay, Misicko dismisses the assertion of “Jex Blackmore,” a former leading member of TST turned critic who cited a lack of diversity within TST as a reason for leaving the group, by countering with the claim that “it’s certainly likely that over half of leadership and membership [of TST] are in the LGBTQ+ community[.]”

This is the same line of reasoning employed by retired US military intelligence officer and “Setian” Satanist Michael Aquino to defend his Satanic cult, the Temple of Set, from allegations of neo-Nazism extending from his fawning over Mein Kampf and pilgrimage to Wewelsburg Castle (a site strongly associated with Nazi occultism) by “pointing out that several members of the Temple of Set were of Jewish origin” (Introvigne, Satanism 351). As we saw in 6.1.1 and 6.3.3, this duplicitous claim, from the Satanist point of view, only strengthens the neo-Nazi character of the Temple of Set, since the “orthodox” Satanic opinion is that Adolf Hitler and other leaders of Nazi Germany were of Jewish origin (LaVey, Satan Speaks! 22–23). Therefore, according to the logic of Satanism, neo-Nazism in its truest form would, correspondingly, also have to be led by persons of Jewish origin.

We must anticipate that a similar line of reasoning would be applicable in the LGBTQ+ domain, but this time with a slight basis in reality. That is to say, since it is known that homosexuality was tolerated for a time within the Nazi Party, with a section of the Nazi movement’s leadership having been all but openly gay, it would be logical to posit that neo-Nazi movements would similarly include members of “the LGBTQ+ community.” In particular, Ernst Röhm (1887–1934), who led the paramilitary wing of the Nazi Party (i.e., the Sturmabteilung [SA] or “Storm Attachment,” also known as the “Brownshirts”) from 1931 to 1934, is noted as having been “the highest-ranking gay Nazi” (Wills). Another high-ranking Nazi known to have been gay was Edmund Heines (1897–1934), who Hitler appointed “to deal with ‘all matters relating to the youth movement’” (i.e., the Hitler Youth) in 1925 (Simkin, “Edmund Heines”). And in Berlin, the local “supreme leader” of the Brownshirts, Karl Ernst (1904–1934), had formerly worked at a nightclub “advertised [during the] interwar [period as a] destination for transvestites and transsexuals” (Simkin, “Karl Ernst”; Hopper). Although the aforementioned individuals were purged from the Nazi Party during the “Night of the Long Knives” in 1934, crossdressing nevertheless remained a popular pastime among members of Nazi Germany’s Wehrmacht (which existed from 1935 to 1945). (Note that while—in my opinion—crossdressing does not necessarily imply being gay, not all sincere LGBTQ+ rights advocates agree, and the two have often been perceived as closely correlating; for example, according to the renowned transgender rights activist Sylvia Rivera [1951–2002], “Transvestites are homosexual men and women who dress in clothes of the opposite sex” [Sandeed]). And although crossdressing was not unheard of among members of other nations’ militaries, it is said to have “happen[ed] way more in [Nazi] ranks” (Hopper). Similarly, the historian Lothar Machtan argues in The Hidden Hitler (2001) that the leader of Nazi Germany was a closeted homosexual. Though subject to dispute, this thesis is certainly more plausible than LaVey’s (which says that Hitler was a closeted Jew).

Even if it were possible to falsify Machtan’s thesis by proving with absolute certainty that Adolf Hitler was definitely 100% heterosexual, we should not forget that occultism is defined precisely by the embrace of “rejected knowledge,” irrationalism, and notions of “subjectivity” and “acausality” (Webb). The mythos of the “Pink Swastika,” though bordering on homophobia itself when used to say or imply that “gays caused the Holocaust” or “male homosexuality inevitably leads to atrocities and mass murder,” can be (and has been) picked up and championed by gay reactionaries and neo-Nazis looking to “innovate” their image. This is just another form of “pinkwashing,” a term referring “to the promotion of LGBT rights […] in order to mask other human rights oppressions” (Browne).

A striking example of this kind of neo-Nazi pinkwashing can be seen in the logo and “merch” of the band Death in June, which (as shown in sub-section 3.1) exists in the social orbit of The Satanic Temple, since Boyd Rice (a member of Death in June “for nearly two decades” who described the band as “very racialist-oriented”) collaborated with TST frontman Douglas Misicko to produce Satan Superstar, a book published in 2018 (Merlan, “Trolling Hell”; “Boyd Rice on Racist TV Show”).

death in june merch

Figure 7.10. These patches produced by the Satanic Temple-linked band Death in June, whose frontman Douglas Pearce is gay, feature Nazi symbols including the death’s head (or totenkopf) and the “black sun,” combined with the rainbow gay pride flag (DEATH IN JUNE Official Site). The band’s name (Death in June) refers to the Night of the Long Knives (which took place in late June 1934), when Ernst Röhm and other members of the Nazi Party’s “Brownshirt” paramilitary organization who were attracted to members of the same sex were executed. Pearce has explicitly acknowledged leading members of the Nazi Party “like Gregor Strasser and Ernst Röhm” as inspiring Death in June’s “political view for the future,” (Hatewatch Staff).

The pinkwashing of neo-fascism under the guise of Satanism is intimately tied up with the kind of eroticization of Nazism which was put on display at the “Black Mass” held by The Satanic Temple in Los Angeles in 2017, “billed as the largest Satanic gathering in history” (Wikipedia editors, “The Satanic Temple”; 6.3.3). Susan Sontag, a culture critic who was herself bisexual, observed in 1974 that “it is among male homosexuals that the eroticizing of Nazism [and the attachment of sadomasochism to Nazi symbolism] is most visible” and asked, “How could a regime which persecuted homosexuals become a gay turn-on?” The answer to this question would appear to lie in what film critics Joan Picart and David A. Frank discuss as “the triumph of fantasy in the face of increasing commercialization of the Holocaust” in relation to Apt Pupil, a horror film from 1998 dealing with themes of homophobia and homoeroticism in which a teenage American boy develops a bizarre and inappropriate relationship with his elderly neighbor after discovering that the latter is a fugitive Nazi war criminal. It would seem that as the erotic desire to fulfill the fantasy of the ultimate sexual experience of the sadomasochistic type came to be translated into a market demand that could be met with “sexy” commodities evocative of the Nazi regime, a process of alienation took place vis-à-vis historical memory.

It certainly seems “weird” that “a regime which persecuted homosexuals [could] become a gay turn-on.” But was this “destined” to be? Although they differ in etymology, the words “weird” and “queer” phonetically resemble each other closely and can have the same meaning. This is interesting because the concept of “Wyrd,” an Old English word meaning destiny or fate and the source of the modern English word “weird,” is a regular trope in the discourse of both the Temple of Set and the Order of Nine Angles, ideological cousins of The Satanic Temple. Etymologically, wyrd is believed to come from the Proto-Indo-European root *wer-, meaning “to bend” (i.e., to make not straight). Although we can say in retrospect that the weird appearance of the idea of “queer” or “gay Nazism,” both as fantasy and as reality, was determined (and therefore “destined” in a way) by certain definite causes, we might also predict that the “Pink Swastika” is likely to be destined to disappear with critical conscientization of how the Nazi linking of homophobia and homoeroticism comes fundamentally from a place of alienation, which most will subsequently desire to overcome. The Nazi homophobia-homoeroticism complex evinces alienation in at least two senses. If evidence of a link between “homophobia [and] individuals with an unacknowledged attraction to the same sex” (alienation from oneself) is not sufficient to form a unique “explanation for [all] homophobia,” then it would be a question of alienation from historical memory for those who acknowledge their same-sex attraction but nevertheless indulge in the fantasy of projecting their sexuality through the prism of Nazism (Bronski et al.).

We can observe that Misicko’s application of the “But We Are Inclusive” trope appears to be executed with a noticeably higher level of sloppiness than Aquino’s however, due to the impoverishment of his argument in terms of intersectionality theory. In “Down the Spiral of Purity,” Misicko demonstrates some awareness of the fact that having TST members who “are in the LGBTQ+ community” means nothing in terms of disproving the fact of the group’s lack of diversity in terms of “race,” noting that “[i]t is true that People of Color have been slow to embrace Satanism.” This certainly comes as no surprise, since, as we saw in 4.1.1, there is a particularly strong disdain within Satanist circles for African-American Christians, with numerous individuals leaving hateful comments on a Youtube video titled “Crazy Black Christians Protest Baphomet Statue,” from the time in 2015 when all-white mobs of Satanic Temple supporters invaded the Black-majority city of Detroit for a Satanist party where a banner displaying a neo-fascist symbol used by the “anti-anti-racist” band Crass (based on the Nazi “broken sun cross” symbol) was hung from the stage.

In “Queer Fascism: Why White Nationalists Are Trying to Drop Homophobia,” an anonymous antifascist author points out that the effort by segments of the neo-Nazi movement, including the so-called “Alt-Right,” to combine “queer identity with open fascism” and make neo-fascism appealing to gay men in particular “may seem bizarre to those who understand white nationalism [as] just existing on the far right of a left-right spectrum, where homophobia seems like it would come before the open racialism,” (AntifascistFront). It is this overly diagrammatic, vulgarized view of political opinions as existing along a fixed “spectrum” which crypto-fascists exploit to conceal their genuine political position. If a person operates with this superficial understanding of politics in mind, they are likely to be easily duped into discounting allegations of crypto-fascism against The Satanic Temple, uttering, “But they can’t be neo-fascist; they support gay rights!” as a kind of knee jerk response. Likely they also place so-called “conspiracist ideation” on the far-right end of the political spectrum. People of this sort should be reminded that there is nothing “new” or “innovative” to this deceptive cherry-picking of a few “left-wing” positions, because Nazism, with its “sinister runic humbug” and false pretensions of being the real “socialism,” has been synonymous with crypto-fascism from its inception. What needs to be done in order to fight the type of fascism which is of concern here then is to raise awareness of this fact and foster conscientization of the development of modern Satanism in terms of its material role in the re-encryption of fascism post-WWII, gone into hyperdrive under the guise of “The Satanic Temple” since 2013. When didactic diagrams of the political “spectrum” block critical thinking by reifying ideology, they become a hindrance to the conscientization of theology.

Those who obstinately hold on to the notion of a “left-wing Satanism” in the face of the mountain of evidence falsifying the plausibility of such a thing’s material existence constituted by the research compiled for this work, such as the members of the former Los Angeles chapter of The Satanic Temple who broke away to form their own micro-sect (“The Satanic Collective”) in response to TST and Misicko’s relationship with Randazza, remain mired in the same ideological idealism that allows neo-fascism to memetically spread itself through encryption as “modern Satanism” in the first place. The idea of a “left-wing Satanism” is as absurd as that of a “left-wing Nazism.” Incidentally, this is exactly how many neo-fascists attempt to make open Nazism viable again, by “profess[ing] to see themselves more in the tradition of the Nazi Party’s Strasserite ‘left’ than as Hitlerites” (Young, my scare quotes). (Note that Strasserism is a brand of Nazism associated with Gregor [1892–1934] and Otto Strasser [1897–1974], two brothers who jockeyed with Hitler for power and influence within the Nazi Party). Just as the idea of a “Nazi Left” depends on not only the removal of the Nazi Party from a wider historical context outside itself and any semblance of an understanding of the material results of Nazism, but also on the idealistic conceptualization of a “circular” or “horseshoe”-shaped political spectrum where anti-capitalism seems like it would come before antisemitism, so does the idea of a “Satanic Left” depend on ignorance of modern Satanism’s post-WWII development under the steady influence of the far-right and Western “intelligence community” projects and operations (themselves rooted in Nazi research and interest in the occult), as well as on an aestheticized political arena in which one cannot move to confront Christofascism without passing through a Satanic anticlericalism. Those who have split with TST over its ties to the “Alt-Right” but nevertheless attempt to protect their egos by clinging to Satanism and claiming to independently carry on the “true” Satanic “Reformation” are the Strasser brothers of modern Satanism. By sowing more illusion in the viability of “left-wing Satanism,” they only reinforce crypto-fascism. Indeed, in the conclusion to this Unauthorized Guide we will see that virtually every example of “left-wing Satanism” outside TST which has been cited by apologists for such a concept who nevertheless recognize the “problematic” aspects of TST reveals itself to be a farce.

 

 


CONTINUE READING… 8. A “Literary” Satanism? Decrypting Proto-Fascist and Antisemitic Themes in The Revolt of the Angels by Anatole France

OR RETURN TO TABLE OF CONTENTS (Anatomy of a Crypto-Fascist Sect: The Unauthorized Guide to “The Satanic Temple”)

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Emergence of “The Satanic Temple”

Spokespersons of The Satanic Temple relate that the group was formed in 2012 at Harvard University, the wealthiest university in the world (Oppenheimer, Burton). However, it was not until January 2013 that The Satanic Temple first came into the limelight. Appearing to take a page from the playbook of the early 2000s left-wing political street theater group “Billionaires for Bush” (if not its right-wing counterpart and reaction formation, “Commies for Kerry”), two men calling themselves “Malcolm Jarry” and “Lucien Greaves” (also known, respectively, as Cevin Soling and Douglas Misicko, who are credited by Mark Oppenheimer in the New York Times as the co-founders of The Satanic Temple) organized a “Satanists for Rick Scott” rally in January 2013 in apparent mock “support” of the Christian conservative Republican Florida Governor’s push to legally enshrine prayer within public schools.

“Greaves” reports in an interview published by Vice that he and “Jarry” were looking “to put a new spin on the entire Church/State debate” by putting together a movie based on their mock protest which featured “non-union actors [willing to work] for no pay” (Van Sickler), a project which later fell by the wayside as The Satanic Temple became, as “Greaves” describes it, “a full-blown organization” (Bugbee, “Unmasking”). Early reports about The Satanic Temple conveyed the understanding that the group was an ad hoc formation created for the purpose of shooting a mockumentary film about the “nicest Satanic cult in the world” (Munzenrieder). Shane Bugbee, another co-founder of TST who left the group shortly after realizing that it was more than a mere mockumentary project and having a falling out with “Greaves” and “Jarry,” relates that The Satanic Temple was put together by Spectacle Films, a movie company owned by “Jarry” (Bugbee, “[R]eligion”). This narrative would only later on be “corrected” as The Satanic Temple subsequently “clarified” that it is not, in fact, merely a joke, a hoax, or a mockumentary film project, but a genuinely religious sect of practitioners of Satanism (“FAQ”).

Perhaps it is not so unusual that emergent religious movements wishing to be taken “seriously” have had their roots in the not-so-serious. In Tell My Horse, Zora Neale Hurston’s treatise on Voodoo, she relates that Brother Levi, a leading figure in early 20th century Pocomania, a Jamaican folk religion, told her that “this cult all started out as a joke but worked into something important. It was ‘dry’ Pocomania when it began. Then it got ‘spirit’ in it and ‘wet,’” (15–16). And in striking parallel to The Satanic Temple’s original conception as a film project, the roots of the Church of Satan, founded in 1966 by Anton LaVey (whom TST leaders openly acknowledge as a fundamental source of inspiration for their own group, which they regard as “a natural progression of LaVey Satanism” [Smith] or “the modern evolution of [LaVey’s] Satanic philosophy” [Blackmore]), can also be found in film. Prior to starting the Church of Satan, LaVey co-founded a group called the “Magic Circle” around the year 1961 with Kenneth Anger, a film director who had begun “considering a film on the Devil” from that same time (Introvigne 305). LaVey later played the part of Lucifer in a version of the film that was released in 1969, the same year that Bobby Beausoleil, the actor who had originally been cast for the role of Lucifer in Anger’s film, was arrested for his participation in a series of murders committed by the notorious cult known as the “Manson Family,” in a bid to start a “race war” by framing members of the Black Panther Party for the crimes (ibid.; see also 6.3.1).

Lending credibility to the hypothesis that The Satanic Temple’s roots lay in mimesis of the satirical street theater group known as “Billionaires for Bush,” the New York Times relates a disclosure by “Malcolm Jarry” disclosure that it was during the era of George W. Bush’s presidency that he originally hatched the idea for what would eventually become TST:

“The first conception was in response to George W. Bush’s creation [in January 2001] of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives […] I thought, ‘There should be some kind of counter.’ ” [Jarry] hit on the idea of starting a faith-based organization that met all the Bush administration’s criteria for receiving funds, but was repugnant to them. “Imagine if a Satanic organization applied for funds […] It would sink the whole program,” (Oppenheimer).

Using the vocabulary of memetics, or meme-theory, (a topic relevant to any contemporary analysis of “occultist” discourse for reasons I explored in my essay “What is Net-Centric Warfare?”), we could say that Jarry was engineering a meme along the lines of “Satanists for Bush” or “Satanists for Faith-Based Initiatives” by meme-splicing the “Billionaires for Bush” meme, which eventually evolved into “Satanists for Rick Scott” to make it work in the context of local Florida politics. The formula for this meme is simple: pretend to be something you’re not, pretend to support something you don’t, and try to grab people’s attention in a sort of funny, amusing, and ironic way. Despite the patent similarities between “Billionaires for Bush” and “Satanists for Rick Scott,” we will see that The Satanic Temple nevertheless deviates from this formula in very significant ways.

billionaires for bush

Figure 2.1. A protest held by the satirical “Billionaires for Bush” group at a government building in 2004 (Nordeman). The “Billionaires for Bush” model of activist intervention clearly informs the praxis of The Satanic Temple, despite the latter’s splicing of more esoteric and “sinister” elements into the meme.

Members of “Billionaires for Bush” would regularly dress in evening gowns, tuxedos, and top hats and carry large cigars in their mouths, emulating the “robber baron” style of dress stereotypically associated with members of the upper socioeconomic class during the Gilded Age. Slogans regularly raised at “Billionaires for Bush” protests included things like: “Give greed a chance,” “Tax wages, not wealth,” “Widen the income gap,” “Thank you for paying our fair share,” “Small government, big wars,” “Leave no billionaire behind,” and “Free the Forbes 400.”

rick-scott-satanists

Figure 2.2. An image from The Satanic Temple’s first public protest, a “Satanists for Rick Scott” rally at the Florida State Capitol in 2013 (Valentine). Like “Billionaires for Bush,” the “Satanists for Rick Scott” claimed to support a conservative Republican official and dressed themselves in stereotypical, symbolic garb. The group’s banner reads, “Hail Satan! Hail Rick Scott!”

From these images showing the striking similarities between The Satanic Temple’s first “Satanists for Rick Scott Rally” (which did not feature real protesters, but amateur/unpaid actors) and the mock protests of “Billionaires for Bush,” along with the fact that TST began as a project of the company Spectacle Films and was reported as being formed for the purposes of making a movie, we can see that TST clearly made overtures of being a satirical group. Furthermore, when TST first came into the limelight, there was essentially no discernable sign of seriousness or genuine pretension of being “real Satanists.” This is beared out by an examination of the archived records of the group’s original website, which show every sign of having been written in the spirit of pure trolling (Internet Archive Wayback Machine, “Welcome to the official website of The Satanic Temple”). Nevertheless, something changed; a film was never made and TST spokespersons soon began to assert that they were actually sincere followers of a religion which they call “Satanism.” This has created a sort of ambiguity about just how serious of a group TST is. Are they simply “acting” like Satanists, in the way that “Billionaires for Bush” “acted” like billionaires? Do they still recruit actors, paid or unpaid, to participate in their events? Or are they really Satanists? And what does it really mean to be a “civic-minded, socially responsible” Satanist (Bugbee, “Unmasking”)? These ambiguities are something TST’s paramount spokesman, “Lucien Greaves,” openly embraces. Asked whether TST is “a [S]atanic, or a satirical group,” “Greaves” has responded, “[W]hy can’t it be both?” (Bugbee, “Unmasking”). I suggest that TST should be taken seriously, though not because its spokespersons claim to possess “deeply-held [Satanic] beliefs” (Greaves, “Correcting”) or “a solid philosophy that […] couldn’t be called anything other than Satanism,” (Bugbee, “Unmasking”) but rather because, as the rest of this work will show beyond a shadow of a doubt, TST is a deceptive and dangerous group which dissimulates the seriousness with which it pursues an agenda of crypto-fascism by clutching onto the pretense that the “Satan” which it upholds is merely a “literary construct” of the Belle Époque, a fanciful and figurative aestheticization of “anti-authoritarianism” and “rebelliousness,” and waving it around like a talisman to ward off suspicion that there might be something more to TST than what its exoteric façade lets on.


CONTINUE READING… 3. Leading Lights: Douglas Misicko and Cevin Soling, Co-Founders of “The Satanic Temple”

OR RETURN TO TABLE OF CONTENTS (Anatomy of a Crypto-Fascist Sect: The Unauthorized Guide to “The Satanic Temple”)

Transmodernity is Burning

Transmodernity is Burning:

A Schizoanalysis of Transracialism and Transgenderism in Paris is Burning

* * *

By Daniel K. Buntovnik, 13 February 2017


What is transraciality, and who is transrace? The Rachel Doležal affair invites the question

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There is debate about the meaning of the term “transrace”. The prominence of discourse around the term “transrace” was elevated in the mid 2010s in the wake of the sensationalized story of Rachel Doležal, a woman who is said to have a verified genealogical tree which traces back to the peoples of Northern and Central Europe (but who is also said to have family members [in-law] of Sub-Saharan African descent), in addition to having deceived people in the Pacific Northwestern region of the United States of America into believing that she was a Black person with a pale complexion, acting as an NAACP leader whilst assuming this identity. She apparently did this by dyeing her hair darker and perming it, using artificial skin pigmentation-modifying (‘fake tan’) products, and perhaps affecting her speech with Ebonics elements. In the wake of the scandal over Doležal’s apparent deception, some individuals added to the discourse by denouncing the use of the term “transrace” to describe individuals like Doležal; they claimed instead that “transrace” should only be used to describe individuals who are raised by adoptive parents of a racial grouping deemed “other” to that of their biological ancestors. (See here, for example). While I do not wish to dwell excessively on this debate over the one “true” definition of the term “transrace”, I felt it was important to start out by acknowledging it before we delve into the topic of transracialism. And yet, another possible definition has been disconsidered: that the adjective “transrace” may fittingly be used to describe individuals who exist in a multigenerational process of racial transitioning.

Franz Fanon describes this multigenerational transracialism in Black Skins, White Masks (1952):

Shame. Shame and self-contempt. Nausea. When people like me, they tell me it is in spite of my color. When they dislike me, they point out that it is not because of my color. Either way, I am locked into the infernal circle. I turn away from these inspectors of the Ark before the Flood and I attach myself to my brothers, Negroes like myself. To my horror, they too reject me. They are almost white. And besides they are about to marry white women. They will have children faintly tinged with brown. Who knows, perhaps little by little. . . .

Following the intergenerational/transgenerational distinction developed by theorists in the field of psychogenealogy such as Anne Ancelin Schützenberger, we might call the form of transracialism evoked by Fanon intergenerational, because the racial transition occurs as the result of a conscious effort made by the ancestor on behalf of the descendant, so that the latter may be accepted into a racial category to which the former did not belong, while we might call a multigenerational transracialism transgenerational when it occurs unconsciously, without the individuals involved becoming aware of the process, perhaps due to unconscious absorption of white supremacist cultural values.

Due to white supremacy, the racial transitioning process in America has usually gone in the opposite direction to that observed in the case of Rachel Doležal. That is to say that white supremacy encouraged individuals of the Sub-Saharan African diaspora in the United States of America to long for whiteness, a racial ideal which was construed as an unstigmatized personal state for the individual. American literary works such as Sinclair Lewis’s Kingsblood Royal (1947) and Fannie Hurst’s Imitation of Life (1933) have immortalized these tales of “tragic mulattos” and “tragic quintroons” like Peola and Neil Kingsblood, protagonists of the aforementioned works for whom being racially “outed” spells personal catastrophe. The upwardly mobile individual is also always white-wardly mobile in a global economy constructed around the fiscal elevation of those racialized as “white”. Perhaps this is why many found the acts which Rachel Doležal performed to be somehow troubling. She achieved upward mobility, gaining a certain social prestige in becoming an NAACP leader, by adopting the mannerisms and the get-up (which we might well qualify as “drag”) that she needed in order to perform an historically stigmatized racial identity.

Drag as transgressive, transcendant tool for moving beyond limitations imposed upon one’s gender, race, sexual orientation

“Drag” typically evokes the practice of male “queens” dressing up and behaving as if they were women. This is, however, a limited understanding. In Jennie Livingston’s 1990 documentary Paris is Burning, we see that the drag shows performed at late 20th century balls in New York City consisted not only in the male adoption of feminine clothing and mannerisms (i.e. the gender-bending “drag queens” of stereotypical lore), but that these performances also operated across the racial plane of social difference. And the expanded possibilities of drag which the film depicts do not end there; race and gender are not the only modalities upon which drag operates. As other critics have pointed out, the film “extends this argument [that drag is a practice that can potentially draw attention to the imitative nature of gender itself through its parodic repetition of gender norms] to include the constructed nature of race and class identity as well as gender identity” [See: Lauren Levitt, “Reality Realness: Paris is Burning and RuPaul’s Drag Race” in Interventions Journal (7 November 2013)].

In a segment of the film devoted to the exposition of this class and race-nonconforming form of drag, we see individuals historically stigmatized as Black “homosexuals” perform power drag by symbolically taking on the roles of members of the U.S. military and “successful” (ruling class) white American individuals. Not only do the drag shows include Afro-diasporic subjects dramatically imitating (and thereby critiquing) European thought and behavior, but they also feature gays donning hetero-drag to perform straight individuality, offering thus their critiques of other stigmatized individuals occupying contextually determined contradictory positionalities vis-à-vis oppression, such as heterosexual street thugs “of color”, at their dance battling balls. Therefore, in addition to race, class, and gender, we can also add sexually orientative identities to the constructed modalities upon which drag operates. Closeted gays can be said to be performing this kind of drag in almost every moment of their lives. Indeed,  gender and sexuality researcher Lauren Levitt relates that, insofar as most everybody wants or expects to be accepted as a “real” iteration of a gender or ethnicity, “many writers” have made the case that “everyone essentially is in drag” [ibid].

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This individual dons power drag by imaginatively dressing in the manner of “an American”–a social category which for centuries has been racialized to the exclusion of non-“white” populations.
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A successful American business executive.
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This individual’s drag reflects critical perfomativity of “the boy that probably robbed you a few minutes before you came to Paris’s ball.”

The objective of the drag performance is to exude a kind of authenticity the drag ball community dubbed “realness”, which gender and sexuality researcher Lauren Levitt defines as “the extent to which a performance conforms to the standard by which it is being judged”. When individuals strive for realness in the assumption of new racial identities, it is called racial “passing”.

This broader sense of the possibilities of drag which the film conveys leads us to the realization that Rachel Doležal does indeed engage in a form of drag. A great deal of the controversy surrounding Doležal arises then from those skeptical of her realness, or lack thereof. It has to be admitted though that Doležal did have a fair degree of success in being able to “pass” as Black, her position in the NAACP leadership seeming to add to her realness.

How well does Doležal conform to the abstracted, “standard”-ized notion of “a person of color”? How valid is it to hold individuals up to such standards?

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Rachel Dolezal stands in a yard during autumn

Contesting ruling class recuperations

For what reason have the drag performances depicted in Paris is Burning been valorized by certain hegemonic forces within 21st century American society? It should be considered whether the decision taken in late 2016 by the U.S. government’s Library of Congress to “preserve and honor” the film, while appreciable, nevertheless signals a further step towards the recuperation of the revolutionary race and sex politics the film portrays (for example, in the Marxian, abolitionist attitude it conveys through its emphasis on the liberatory sociality of the drag ball “houses” as an alternative to the coercive sociality of the patriarchal, bourgeois standard of “the family”). This recuperation is mirrored in analogue developments such as the white engineering of African-American-led imperialism at the critical moment of burgeoning unrest at the tailend of the deeply unpopular, bank-bailing regime of George W. Bush, when the U.S. government donned transracial drag, using blackface to preserve its historical white power, as well as the sanctioning of gay-tolerant militarism achieved in 2011 via the repeal of the homophobic “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy.

Thus while the generalized upward mobility of Modern Family-esque 21st century homosexual male individuality within U.S. society via developments such as the legalization of gay marriage, based on and enabled in large part by events orchestrated by groups such as the Gay Liberation Movement and other trailblazing radical LGBTQIA+ activists required cultural subversiveness–such as the identification with “Third World” Marxists (e.g. the Gay Liberation Front’s nomenclatural identification with the National Liberation Front, which at that time was engaged in bloody armed conflict with U.S. military forces in Vietnam), the recuperation and assimilation of the traces of this subversiveness by the same forces originally targeted for subversion by subalterns signals a hegemonic counteroffensive.

But a DOLEŽAL archetype poses startling questions for the social movements in general; what do we make of white, or “formerly white”, individuals finding 21st century socio-economic success–however extravagant or modest that “success” may be–in the appropriation of Transatlantic Afro-diasporic Black identity, in the dissimulation of WASP assimilation? And while Doležal made headway in becoming a civil rights activist, does her brand of transracialism not open up the way for presumably less well-intentioned, Justin Bieber-type appropriators who would inevitably adopt this Transatlantic Afro-diasporic Black identity, to monopolize culture-linked profit ventures opened up by the development of black and gay markets and sections of the bourgeoisie? (This trend could be–indeed, has been–analyzed with elder cultural icons, such as Elvis Presley, although many efforts have been made to highlight the fact that Elvis was a Romanichal, and thus “not white”.)

While transgenderism has existed in a variety of cultures, and for a long time, it has become one of the more contentious matters which divides the contemporary gay activist community itself, most noticeable nowadays perhaps when we cleave the latter at its intersection with the so-called “TERF” (or “Trans-Exclusive Radical Feminist”, a term which some argue constitutes a slur) community, comprising individuals who may or may not be of Lesbian persuasion. Let us return to the matter of so-called “TERFeminism” later on. For now, we can take notice of the fact that the gay community taking part in the balls of fin du 20ième siècle New York City was also not united in its understanding of what it meant, at that time, to be a drag queen.

The phrase “the gay community” has, by 2017, come to sound somewhat old-fashioned. During the years of the mid to late 2000s, high school Diversity Clubs and Gay-Straight Alliances, tended towards use of the acronym GLBT for “Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender”, while in the 2010s the acronym LGBT has come to predominate over the former. We may suspect that this is a feminist victory because “gay” tends towards connotations of male homosexuality, and thus “gay movement” and “gay community” imply patriarchal forms, GLBT implying a gay-headed Lesbian movement. Meanwhile, the positionality of the letter T, at the end of the LGBT and GLBT acronyms shows its subordination, suggesting de-valuation of the transgender or “transsexual” community, which has long been known in part for its drag queens. Based on facts discernible in the film Paris is Burning (1990), many of the drag queens of ’80s NYC identified themselves as men who performed womanhood, and not as trans-women. An example of this is Pepper LaBeija, whose remarks in the film include: “Women get treated badly. You know, they get beat, they get robbed, they get dogged, so having the vagina, that doesn’t mean that you are going to have a fabulous life. It might in fact be worse.”

After watching Paris is Burning, my interest in learning more about the history of the U.S. gay community spiked as I recalled much of the hubbub which 21st century gay rights activism front groups for Marxist political organizations claim was roused out of the masses from the mere mention of the Stonewall Uprising, when homosexual members of the New York working classes were decisively victorious in staging a sort of insurrection due to social conflict between them, exploitative organized crime groups, and the harassive police forces. So it was around the same time that I viewed Paris is Burning that I watched another documentary film, also hosted by Youtube, that I had found about the Stonewall Uprising which occurred after an unlicensed, Mafia-rackateered gay bar called the Stonewall Inn was raided by oppressive, homophobic police. After that documentary was feasted upon by my eyes and ears, I saw a short video about five, or possibly ten, American gay riots which occurred before Stonewall, as far back as 1959, in California. From these sources, I gathered that the “gay bar” culture had really begun to spread during the 1960s. It occurred to me that, in a way, the gay bars replaced the speakeasies of the 1930s, being illegal drinking establishments which were sometimes owned by the mob. But there do exist those aficionados of the “gay bar” scene who may eschew the “homosexual lifestyle” itself, if we consider patterns of sexual relations between organisms constitutive of a lifestyle. One may also wonder about the sexuality of Italian mobsters who visited the Stonewall gay bar, if only to collect their dues. But I do question the value and legitimacy of the discourse of those individuals who advocate supporting the identity label “Queer” as a meeting point between the LGBT community and the LGBT community’s “weird” friends and then in retrospect perhaps do support the value and legitimacy of this notion, because I believe that one can, and indeed many do, frequent gay bars without necessarily having a true sentimental connaissance of homosexual desire, and therefore be identified, by some in the society in which that individual lives, as “straight”, but not the kind of “straight” that’s chill with gay bars–therefore becoming “Queer” in a way, due to proximity in the social movements historically associated with “homosexuality”, “bisexuality”, and “transsexuality”.

Trans- affinities

It had come to my attention that some of the drag queens in the film Paris is Burning were white-passing, due to the fact that in the comments section of Youtube, where Paris is Burning is hosted and available for viewing, a comment left by some forlorn internaut could be found identifying Dorian Corey, a drag queen, by the epitaph “the white drag queen”.

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In this still from Paris is Burning, we see Dorian Corey, who laments, “Unfortunately, I didn’t know that I really wanted to look like Lena Horne. When I grew, of course you know, Black stars were stigmatized. Nobody wanted to look like Lena Horne. Everybody wanted to look like Marilyn Monroe.”

Thereafter, another commenter chimed in, chiding the writer of the previous comment and asserting that Dorian Corey was African-American or Black. I’m not sure which ethnonym that commenter asserted to be applicable to Corey; perhaps they did not even identify one ethnonym or the other, but simply stated that Dorian Corey was, in fact, “not white”.

In the case of these individuals such as Dorian Corey and other lighter skinned, blue eyed “Negros” called (e.g. Walter Francis) White, it is thought that they are Black because of the One Drop Rule, which states that though they may in actuality be mainly European of ancestral extraction, they are in actuality BLACK due to the “predominance” of black blood over white blood. Frances Cress Welsing took this a step further, establishing the notion of whiteness as a genetically recessive phenomenon in her groundbreaking Cress Theory of Color-Confrontation, formalizing the pseudoscientific One Drop Rule from the standpoint of Critical Race Theory.

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Above: The original Walter White, a prominent African-American leader in the same organization as Rachel Doležal, before his name was culturally misappropriated by the father-figure actor from the American sitcom “Malcolm in the Middle” in an early 21st century prestige television program about methamphetamine.


Frances Cress Welsing was a successful psychoanalyst who, alongside other luminaries who brought forth the discourse of Afrocentricity during the 1970s and 1980s, mastered the craft of psychoanalytic, and some would argue, “pseudoscientific” racial theorizing.

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Frances Cress Welsing

Though aspects of Cress Welsing’s multi-decade oeuvre could possibly be subjected to a number of sound criticisms, more deserving of recognition and attention here is one of her final nuggets of wisdom. I refer here to her astounding analytic insight into the twisted psyche of Dylan Storm Roof, the White Southerner currently on death row for having perpetrated on June 17, 2015 the massacre at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, in which he ended the lives of nine innocent individuals for no reason other than his white power delusion (though we must be careful not to excuse or downgrade the responsibility/despicability of white power political extremist thinking and organizing with psychopathological terminology such as “delusion”). Shortly before her death on January 2, 2016, Cress Welsing illustrated clearly with her elegant, prosaic speech that Dylan Storm Roof had a racialized sexual fetish, perhaps based in a violence-prone complex of racialized sexual inferiority, which was expressed with the symbolic re-presentation of his phallus as a large black pistol, playing up the racial stereotypes.

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Above: In this photo we see the soon-to-be lethally injected Storm Roof placing a firearm in an arguably sexually suggestive location in relation to his body, dangling it between his legs, and surrounding himself with potted flowers. Sigmund Freud advises that we should not forget that flowers are in fact the genitals of plants. Notice how the black pistol forms a graphic connection between the reproductive organs of the non-human life forms and those of Storm Roof. This racialized sexual transference–the replacement of the white penis with the black phallic object–stands as further evidence of the intersectionality of transgenderism and transracialism. Although Storm Roof’s phallic substitution does not constitute transgenderism (the pistol being a male gendered, penile object), it is transsexually transracial.


The attentive viewer of Paris is Burning will observe the interesectionality of transracialism and transgenderism, which is particularly striking in personages such as Dorian Corey (though not only). The film evidences a certain affinity between the phenomenon of gender-transitioning and that of “Negro” to “white-passing” (to “white”) transgenerational transracialism–a historical process occurring among many individuals who also happened to share an interest in transitioning themselves from being “men” into being “women”, whether permanently in day-to-day life or temporarily in the ritualized context of the balls.

The academic who prefers not to capitalize the first letters of her pen name, bell hooks, identifies the project of the drag queens depicted in Paris is Burning as simultaneously transgenderist and transracialist in “Is Paris Burning?”, a chapter in her 1996 book Reel to Real: Race Sex, and Class at the Movies:

Within the world of the black gay drag ball culture she [Livingston] depicts, the idea of womanness and femininity is totally personified by whiteness. What viewers witness is not black men longing to impersonate or even to become like “real” black women but their obsession with an idealized fetishized vision of femininity that is white. Called out in the film by Dorian Carey [sic], who names it by saying no black drag queen of his day wanted to be Lena Horne, he makes it clear that the femininity most sought after, most adored, was that perceived to be the exclusive property of white womanhood.

But let us consider why, on the most basic level, this affinity exists.

As evidenced by their common prefix, it can be remarked that transgender and transracial peoples are fundamentally alike for one essential reason: they are in transition. One transitions from a gender; the other, from a race. Like drag performers, they also commit what is viewed as transgression by transcending the limitations socially imposed on their assigned identity.

There are some significant differences between the phenomena of gender and race transitioning. One is that the gender transition takes place within the course of a lifetime, affecting primarily the individual, while the racial transition described here is transgenerational, affecting collectivities such as clans and family units, as in the fictional examples of Peola or Neil Kingsblood.

Transgenerational transracialism is the story of coercive assimilation to white supremacist society, which explains why more members of the Afro-diasporic population in the U.S. now identify, or perhaps are identified by others, as “white” than as “black”. That is to say that, despite both the One Drop Rule and Cress Welsing’s notion of white genetic recessivity, so-called “interracial” sexual-reproductive relations (or “miscegenation”) have in fact caused more individuals among the U.S. population which is of varying degrees of mixed European and African ancestry to be identified as “white” (or “passing”?) than as Black. This is made possible by the white supremacist drive of bourgeois anti-culture, which also introduces “colorism” into the heart of the Black community. It seems more of a question of cultural assimilation than a would-be problem of “genetic drift”; the hegemonic white patrons of Western colonialism seemed to catch on symbolically, with many more Littles and Clays than Xs and Alis coming to predominate over the Afro-diasporic populace. However, this white supremacist push to transgenerationally assimilate “minorities” cannot be resolved with a superficial change in the way of thinking about racial identity, such as by merely instructing these white-passing, distantly Afro-diasporic masses to accept themselves as “genuinely” Black due to their existence being the direct result of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. That’s why it is also important to render cultural practices such as aesthetic skin bleaching taboo, and to diminish sentiments of racial fetishization of whiteness as a desired sex characteristic by giving due value and implementation to notions such as black pride and beautifulness. Only then will the current historically-based form of Transatlantic Racialized Slave and Master Social Classes discrimination be overcome. The hard cores (aka nucleos duros or asilis) of each national, or ethno-cultural, archetype will survive for some time in a mosaic fashion within the united global world economy, even as this develops into an environment of total cultural egalitarianism. What “white people” have to understand is that whiteness is not so much an ethno-cultural expression, but a tool of capitalist coercion which censors such expressions.

Some leftist writers implicitly suggest that Karl Marx himself was “transrace”. In “On the Social Ontology of ‘Race’ — Was Karl Marx White? And Is He?” Steve Darcy at The Public Autonomy Project essentially argues that, given 19th century Europe’s racial othering of Ashkenazic Jewry, Marx was perceived as racially “Other” in his day, but given the near-consensus among 21st century individuals that Ashkenazic Jewry is encapsulated by “whiteness”, Marx has therefore become a transracial subject, having been non-white during his own lifetime while nevertheless being now (rightly?) considered a “dead white male”. I would, however, contest the notion that Marx’s epitaph should read “dead white male”, any more than Dorian Corey’s ought to, because if we accept the previous half of this argument (i.e., that Marx was perceived as racially “other” during the 19th century, considered as something analogous to what might today be called “a person of color”), then he should still be understood, as a historical personage, with that fact in mind. The matter is further complicated by the fact that Karl Marx was perhaps of African descent, his family having called him by the nickname “the Moor” due to “his dark complexion”.

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Drawing of a young Karl Marx, whose nickname “the Moor” is said to have reflected his physiognomy.

Darcy’s consideration of Karl Marx as transrace is analogous to the way in which drag queens such as Dorian Corey may be perceived by ignorant early 21st century viewers of Paris is Burning as belonging to another “race” than the one with which they were identified by populaces of late 20th century New York (or by more knowledgeable individuals of our time who are aware of the historico-cultural context in which the film’s personages lived). In this perspective, it is clear that transracialism exhibits a high degree of contingency upon historico-contextualization. Ironically, the Youtube commenter who thought Dorian Corey was a white person, seemed to somehow discount the very point Corey tries to make in the film about the other drag queens identifying more with the white Marilyn Monroe than the black Lena Horne. Corey seemed to view the transracial aspect of the drag queens’ aspiration as pathological. Corey informs us that, “In a ballroom you can be anything you want”, but signals disdainfulness for the fact that most wanted to be white. This white supremacist drive has other bizarre manifestations, such as a whole sub-genre of hypnotic videos, also available on Youtube, featuring low-frequency and binaural sounds to help individuals “get pale white skin” (trigger warning: deeply unsettling).

Let’s return now briefly to the previously mentioned issue of the divide which exists among and/or between the members and supporters of LGBTQIA+ communities and a certain type of women’s movement activist labelled, usually by critics of this line, as the “trans-exclusive radical feminist”.

An interesting selection of facts begins to emerge when we cross-analyze LGBTQIA+ discourses and so-called “TERF” discourses, along with those of another group often allied with the latter, the “SWERF” (or, “Sex Workers Exclusive Radical Feminists”, another term which those to whom it is applied often deride as a stigmatic exonym, similar perhaps to calling advocates of reproductive rights “anti-life” instead of “pro-choice”). It appears that while transphobia can and does exist among homophiles, it is less likely, although not impossible, for homophobia to exist among transphiles. It is, on the other hand, still quite possible that misogyny exists among transphilic homophiles. We get this sense of homophilic transphobia a bit in Paris is Burning, when some of the gay drag queens vehemently dispute the notion that they would become “girls” or “women”. In this light, the ’80s NYC gay community involved in the ball and voguing scene might be seen as sexually fueling the capitalist sex trafficking trade, because these transgender and gay male drag queens served to increase the liberation of individuals from the sex economic repression of the moral mainstream of society, which in turn liberalized and enhanced the sexual marketplace, the figure of the trans-woman scarcely separable from the trans-woman-philic straight male sex commodifier, whom members of the heteronormative society deride as homosexual, not accepting the trans-woman as a “real” woman, whom the “TER” feminists chastise for re-inforcing gender roles as opposed to transcending them.

The TERF and SWERF critique of “transgender-ism” thus replicates the critique of certain social justice advocates against Rachel Doležal’s brand of “transracialism”; if the goal is to abolish gender, then the goal is surely to abolish race as well. This proposes a bit of a problem however because we could anticipate that different tensions might arise from the proposal to mold all of the world’s peoples into some pan-human descendent kin. If we take the Noel Ignatievian notion of “racial abolitionism” at face value, that we must “abolish the white race”, there is a real tension between, on the one hand, the idea that this racial abolitionism is largely metaphorical, and that by superficially changing our ways of thinking and behaving, we remove our socially constructed racial identifications although the pan-human descendants will continue to display a range of physiognomies relatively similar to that which exists now, and on the other hand, the idea that privileged sections of “First World” populaces will need to be deported en masse to more egalitarian environments in the so-called “Global South”, where the formerly privileged are likely to perceive egalitarianism as social subordination until the consciousness of their descendants has been altered to fully accept the abolition of white supremacy. If we accept the One-Drop Rule-esque Color-Confrontation Theory of Frances Cress Welsing, then we must admit that the transition of humanity’s descendants to a pan-human kinship will preserve human blackness while eradicating whiteness. The premise of this proposition (that the abolition of racism, combined with white genetic recessivity, results in the abolition of an oppressive social construct disguised as an ethno-cultural group known as “white people” but not in the abolition of “black people”) should perhaps be reconsidered, because it forms the entire basis of anti-miscegenationist hysteria and the neo-Nazi ethos.

The “Homosexuality” of White Supremacist Thought and Behavior

A bitter irony of the white supremacist (also known as “America First-ist”) and/or neo-Nazi worldview is that Nazism, or white racism in general, is actually fundamentally premised on Homosexuality. I know this is a startling claim, but I will explain why this is so in the text which follows.

Nazism creates the sexual fetish of race, proclaiming the Aryan-on-Aryan action needed to create a HOMO-genous racial community, a volk based on the HOMO-sexual love which one Aryan man feels for one Aryan woman, and vice versa. Now that we have established Nazism as a sort of homosexual ideology, we can also observe that it nevertheless incorporates heterosexuality on the gender plane of desire. This contradiction is possible because semi-autonomous planes of sexual desire rely on many basic features of the human body and identity which can be exploited for the Twoness principle: masculinity, femininity, blackness, whiteness. The only difference between the gender and racial planes of sexual desire though is that, gender being historically and culturally linked to sex (and until the emergence of gender theory, essentially synonymous), gender preference in sexual orientation cannot be rightly considered a “fetish”, while sexual orientations axed around preferences with regard to the race or ethnicity of potential sexual partners are fetishistic, because ethnicity is not an intrinsically sexual feature, or at least not linked to sex in the same way as gender. Nevertheless, the reproduction of racial identity groupings (e.g. “white people”) relies on sexual reproduction, so the anti-miscegenationist, the white supremacist, nationalist, neo-Nazi, or “alt rightist” sexualizes white skin and other physical features associated with pseudoscientific “white” racial identity, turning these features into sex characteristics. The emergence of the term “cuckservative” or “cuck” as a neo-Nazi or alt-right insult for rival white nationalists (or rather, conservative U.S. nationalists/American patriots who just so happen to be white, such as Jeb Bush, for example) who do not embrace anti-miscegenationism, which “[alludes] to a genre of porn in which passive white husbands watch their wives have sex with black men” also demonstrates the sexually fetishistic nature of this ideology’s fixations.

Culturally, an important divide within the right-wing white people community exists between advocates of Christian identity, who believe that “white people” are “a lost tribe of Israel”, and those such as Augustus Sol Invictus, Varg Vikernes, etc. who reject “Judaeo-Christianity”, embracing instead efforts to construct a new Eurocentric pseudo-spirituality by appropriating aspects of the pagan mythologies of pre-Christian Europe, sometimes combined with Satanism–(there are also those such as Michael Aquino and Richard Spencer who do the same thing but, in an even more blatantly culturally misappropriative manner, construct their Eurocentric pseudo-spiritualities around African, namely Kemetic, mythology [See: “Temple of Set” and “Cult of Kek”]). This can be quite revealing about the racially fetishistic homosexual nature of white supremacists, because the ancient peoples of the arbitrarily delineated landmass known today as “Europe” were known for valorizing homosexual relations. In Plato’s Symposium (circa 380 BC), the Ancient Greek man Pausanias, known for being the lover of the male poet Agathon, distinguishes between two forms of love.

Pausanias maintained that there exist:

  • (1) Common Love, or Popular Love, which occurs between a man and a woman, and
  • (2) Celestial Love, which is homosexual and exclusively male.

In Ancient Greek culture, the hegemonic belief was that men were superior to women, and therefore the homosexual love between two superior, male beings was superior to, and spiritually more powerful than heterosexual love, occurring between a superior and an inferior being (i.e. a man and a woman). Nazism inherits this same paradigm, sublimating only one minor aspect of it (transferring the operation from the gender plane of sexual attraction to the racial plane of sexual fetishism), in considering racially homosexual unions of white couples superior to the racially heterosexual unions between members of the so-called “master race” and the supposedly “inferior races”. In the modern iteration, this form of homosexuality is encouraged through the policies of white supremacist leaders such as Obama, who deported more foreigners from the United States than any other president, and Trump, whose recent short-lived ban on millions of racially “othered” foreigners from the possibility of entering the United States served to reinforce diminution of the chances that the insular people of the Fortress-like white supremacist state will encounter “inferior” peoples and procreate with them.

Another indication of late-stage Nazism’s indebtedness to the supremacist ideal of Celestial Love is hinted at in the former’s advocacy of transracialism. The neo-Nazi David Myatt, founder and predominant theorist of the eugenics-cum-human sacrifice advocating Satanic cult called “the Order of Nine Angles”–analysed in my treatise “What is Net-Centric Warfare?”–calls for the transformation of Homo sapiens into something he dubs “Homo Galactica”, a so-called “master race”. Like Pausanias’ Celestial Love, Myatt’s Homo Galactica advocates supremacist unions and alludes to outer space, suggesting a “heavenly” outcome for those who engage the superior sexual practice. Only the gender supremacist aspect of “Celestial Love” has been swapped for racial supremacism in the “Homo Galactica” master race fantasy.

The appearance of homophobia among white supremacists is a point of tension, and perhaps an Achilles’ heel to their ideology, because, like the white-passing characters in Kingsblood Royal and Imitation of Life, the exposition of the homosexual genesis of their doctrine may inspire terror in the neo-Nazi psyche, threatening to bring it shame and embarrassment. The fascist repression of homosexuality expressed through homophobia and anti-LGBT bigotry has traditionally been, in the final analysis, deemed necessary in order to sublimate the drive of “standard” homosexuality (especially male-on-male “Celestial Love”) into the racial (white-on-white) homosexuality required for the fulfillment of the “Fourteen Words” (i.e., the neo-Nazi ethos).  In this case (in which the fulfillment of modern Christian white racial homosexuality is predicated upon the sublimation of ancient pagan gender homosexuality), the elimination of the homophilia taboo from the gender plane of desire may erode in part the basis for coercing individuals into compliance with the white supremacist value of homophilia on the racial plane of desire.

On the other hand, the recent attempt by sections of the far-right to give neo-Nazism a facelift not only by rebranding it as the “alt-right”, but also taking a slight step back from machismo and “traditional” heterosexual masculinity (e.g. confluence of the alt-right with so-called “beta” masculinity, or the emergence of misogynistic, anti-feminist “men’s rights activist [MRA]” gay men) is revealing of a rapprochement between neo-Nazism and homosexuality, a fact which has not gone unnoticed by many of those who have begun to study this iteration of “information age” neo-Nazism. The attempt of sections of the alt-right to revive the ancient principle of male supremacist “Celestial Love” is another instance of recuperation and fascist subversion, capitalizing on advances made by the Left in the sphere of gay rights to serve oppression by attempting to force a realignment of gay men to stand on the side of the oppressors, in the U.S. military and corporate world, alongside adherents of white male bourgeois supremacy. Still, “traditional” white supremacy’s basis in racial homosexuality can easily lead white supremacists of the more “traditional” (anti-gay) variety to slip into practices which would be perceived as “homosexual” in the common understanding of that term. In that regard, the instauration of a “Celestial Love”-grounded white male supremacist movement, whose embryo can be located within the emergent neo-Nazi alt-right is a natural ideological development, making sense from the standpoint of dialectical materialism. This happens because the fetishistic sexualization of white skin, a non-sex trait which has been transformed into a sex trait within the white supremacist ideological framework, leads the white nationalist to be constantly in search of desirable sex characteristics in potential brethren with whom he seeks to form reactionary political movements to ensure the continued sexual reproduction of the so-called “white race”. The singular devotion to the ideal of whiteness, combined with the de-valuation of feminism common in white supremacist circles, leads the male neo-Nazis to view whiteness tout court as the primary object of desire, a sex characteristic of unmatched importance.

Although it is true that the most vehement producers of homophobic discourses almost always simultaneously grapple with the repression of their own latent homosexual desire, it would be incredibly misguided to invoke the openly racially homosexual and consequently latently gay nature of white supremacists to augment homophobic discourse by trying to dress up anti-LGBT bigotry as antifascist. Our praxis must incorporate the consideration that within the fascist camp there exist two antagonistic premises, which must both be combatted: the homophobia which racially homosexual Nazism has traditionally favored (seen for example in the fact that gays were also victimized by the Holocaust) as well as the misogynistic gender homophilia of the pre-Christian Europeans (e.g. Pausanias) to which the modern Eurocentric, racially sex homophilic ideology is indebted and reconciling with.

A tragic setback for gay liberation occurred in the early part of the 20th century in part because of the confusion aroused by Nazism’s reconciliation–then in its infancy–with the male supremacist homosexuality valorized by pre-Christian Europeans. The nascent Soviet Union had already begun establishing gay rights at this time, but the homosexual militarism of Ernst Röhm, Hitler’s closest friend and a gay man, and many of the Nazis at the highest echelons of the political hierarchy of 1930s Germany, provided ample fodder for homophobes to slander the gay community of the young Soviet Union as fascist sympathizers, inhibiting thus progress in lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual and questioning spheres as well. This setback for the social and sexual revolution under the Bolsheviks stands as ample evidence of the deterioration of the quality of the revolutionary vanguard hegemony within the Communist political party under the homophobic leadership of Joseph Stalin, who directed many politically and ideologically illiterate people to enroll as members of what was meant to be the most advanced segment of the populace in terms of social woke-ness, the Communist Party.

Conclusions

Transgender and transrace individuals both must deal with similar emotions. Shame and terror are key among these. Transrace characters like Sinclair Lewis’s Neil Kingsblood and Fannie Hurst’s Peola on the one hand are terrorized by the fear of being made to feel disgrace and shame through having their identification with a stigmatized racial grouping exposed, while transrace individuals like Rachel Doležal perhaps feel similar emotions in being exposed as identifying with Black culture despite lack of Transatlantic Afro-diasporic ancestry. It hardly needs to be said why transgender individuals are also terrorized, given these transphobic societies we live in, which double terrorization for trans people of color, such as the unjustly incarcerated CeCe McDonald.

In terms of trans-modernity, the neo-fin de siècle society depicted in Paris is Burning seems to sit at an interesting threshold. In a way, late 20th century New York was like The Matrix, waiting to be “red-pilled” by–you guessed it–“Nine / Eleven”! After 9/11, everything changed. Mechanized police forces began to pummel the alter-globalizationists with lacrimogen–oh no–wait, they did that before 9/11… Ah well, 9/11 accelerated shit, allowing CIA director Bush’s son to enact some slick new imperial machinations. Similarly, while trans-modernity emphasizes the notion that we really shouldn’t get too carried away with trying to pinpoint the location of a postmodern rupture with modernity, the trans- affinities the film highlights do nevertheless resonate in an uncanny way on any historical timeline that might be constructed with them in mind. Transmodernity is suggestive of a process moving beyond modernity in a way that the notion of postmodernism falsely locates in the past. Similarly, transgenderism and transracialism suggest processes, not necessarily of transitioning from one race or one gender into another, but of moving beyond binary traps. Transracialism and transgenderism need not be predicated upon the maintenance of gendered and racialized core “types”, such as the “African” and the “European” or the “gentleman” and the “lady”.

If we apply the same bifurcating logic which premises transraciality and transgenderism to the title of Livingston’s documentary itself, its complement must be that Kinshasa is Cool, because Kinshasa is the second most populated city of the French-speaking world. These form thus the yin and yang of La Francophonie. The Eurocentricity of this equation, erasing the presence of Lingala and other indigenous Congolese tongues, resonates with the tendency which certain critics of the transracialism and transgenderism depicted in Paris is Burning (such as bell hooks) claim exists for these to be too soft on white supremacy and patriarchy abolitionism, being happy to simply gain privilege and power by transitioning from black to white, from sad and destitute poor gay boy to spoiled rich straight girl. The resonance of Paris is Burning is felt in the late period with musical hits like “Ni**as in Paris” by Jay Z and Kanye West. The city of Paris seems to evoke in the Western, American mind in some ways a liberatory and also aristocratic lifeway, with sexualized and racialized as well as Orientalist aspects, as in the lyrics of one of the most common variants of “The Streets of Cairo” (i.e., “There’s a place in France, where the naked ladies dance”).

The question of transraciality also arises in the Rromani community with regard to the relationship between groups of Rromani individuals contrastively characterized as Kashtalo and Pakivalo by some Rroma, such as blogger Cîrpaci Marian Nuțu, who describes this relationship in terms evocative of antagonism or parasitism. This could be an interesting starting point for another comparative analysis, given the similarities in the development of racism in slave societies during early capitalist modernity on both sides of the Atlantic. Whereas the systematic enslavement of Rroma had already taken root in the Ottoman-dominated provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia (which formed the basis of the modern Romanian state) during the pre-Columbian period, the formation of the Black Atlantic identity was several centuries retarded in comparison to that of Rromani identity, giving Rromani identity more time to be attacked with racialist goals of diffusion and dissipation. These efforts to eradicate Rromani identity are the source of the name Kashtalo (meaning “wooden” in Rromanes [the Rromani language]) in reference to persons of Rromani ethnicity who do not have knowledge of the Rromani language. During the period of enslavement, Rromani castes were often delineated occupationally, with wood-working Rroma being one caste which stopped speaking Rromanes, so the Pakivale rroms, who did manage to keep speaking Rromanes, are regarded by some as more “authentic” Rroma than the Kashtale, whose transraciality pushes them to the verge, if not past the point, of becoming gadze (non-Rroma). Cîrpaci, the previously cited blogger, accuses Rromani NGO’s of underrepresenting the Pakivale, and overrepresenting the Kashtale, whom he insinuates exercise a deceptive degree of fluidity when it comes to either dissimulating or owning up to Rromani or “Gypsy/tsigan” identity based on convenience.

Future social and political movements are likely to necessarily be inclusive of individuals whose subjectivities are shaped by a variety of trans* processes operating in the realms not only of sexuality and gender, but also intergenerational and transgenerational ones operating in the sphere of ethnic or racial belonging, while in the same time providing space for a variety of perspectives informed by both critical race theory and gender critical theory, including those critical of the kind of “transracialism” exemplified by the case of Rachel Doležal, which is not a transgenerational phenomenon but occurs within the lifetime of an individual. Just as the transformation of one thing into another, like Marxian dialectics, requires room for contradiction, so too should social movements be big enough to, in their unity, house contradictions. The goal of the political left is to usher in the demise of capitalist wage slavery and imperialist oppression via solidarity among individuals, to transit the final phases of modernity, and we begin to think forward to our collective transcendence into a communist civilization whose quality is quintessentially postmodern. Meanwhile, in this transmodern era of socialism we remain haunted by the outputs of modernity which live and die all around us in the same time.

ALL WORKS CITED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE PRINCIPLE OF FAIR USE.
**Update, 17 September 2017** : After publishing this article, I received both positive and negative feedback from persons in online spaces dedicated to both transgender as well as gender critical or “trans critical” communities. Some in the former were averse to so much as entertaining the thought of a trans*-informed analysis of Rachel Doležal, while some in the latter did not appreciate that, despite having used scare-quotes to signal a degree of skepticism when introducing the term, I referenced a discourse as being known as “trans exclusive” or “TERF”. I have edited the text to better reflect that, not unlike the use of “trans cult” to describe trans* activism and culture, this term is understood by many of those to whom it is applied to constitute a term of abuse, in addition to clarifying a couple of thoughts in the conclusion of this piece.

Closed Borders? That’s a combination Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders proposal!

The following is an insightful piece by Jehu of “The Real Movement” blog on why “anti-globalism” is fascist bullshit and misguided “anti-globalism” advocated by Leftists enables fascist bullshit. The latter form of anti-globalism is expressed in phenomena such as Russophilic “anti-imperialism” and Bernie Sanders’ phony “democratic [national] socialism”, which I criticized in pieces such as “Sanders is a fraud and not real socialism” and “Together with Russia?

Donald Trump is the ultimate refutation of Lexit politics advocated on the Left and they will come to rue ever promoting the idea. Broadly defined, Lexit is a theory you can improve the conditions of the working class of a country by erecting barriers to the world market. No one has ever demonstrated why this […]

via How Trump will force the Radical Left to regret their anti-globalist agitation — The Real Movement

The Coma-Contra Affair

 

By Daniel K. Buntovnik

The last thing Biorgina Guerri could remember from the time of her life preceding her coma was the gnarled lips and pockmarked mug of the Contra comandante as he hammered off bullets, one by one, into her fellow Juventud Sandinista activists.

The year was 1986.

The ultra-reactionary guerrillas, armed and trained by the Reagan administration, had pulled the Sandinista youths from their beds one night, lined them up against a wall. The death squad’s leader, a man with greasy black hair and a sadistic twinkle in his eye, appeared before the bewildered and inexperienced Sandinistas and admonished them harshly for their Leftist beliefs.

“I’ll make an example out of all of you,” he finally spat, before drawing the pistol off his hip. It seemed his lengthy tirade had been intended less for the Sandinista youths before him than it was for the terrorized slum-dwellers listening through the thin tin walls of their makeshift hovels nearby.

Biorgina had known this would be a dangerous mission, but never did she anticipate that calamity should strike quite so soon. She and her compañeros, a handful of young idealists like herself, had embarked upon an aeroplane in Managua, the capital city of Nicaragua, a mere three days earlier. Their destination was the once prosperous, now poverty-stricken Caribbean port town of Bluefields. Naturally, given the war, they had come armed, but the Contras caught them off guard, sound asleep after a long night of mingling with the locals and singing cantos revolucionarios.

The move to Bluefields was part of a strategic Sandinista Youth counterinsurgency initiative to reach out and conquer the hearts and minds of the isolated peoples of Nicaragua’s East Coast. Separated from the Sandinista strongholds along the Pacific by the nearly impassable Central Highlands, Nicaragua’s Caribbean Lowlands were populated by the descendants of a convergence of Non-Hispanic European pirates, fugitive Africans (sometimes known as Maroons), and Indigenous peoples. This lowland area is known as the Miskito Coast and, with its distinct regional identity and history of autonomy, it presented a unique challenge to the revolutionary Sandinista government due to stark cultural differences which the imperialist forces were all too keen to exploit. Indeed, Bluefields had been a British protectorate until it was finally annexed into the Nicaraguan national territory in the late 19th century, and some of its people still held on to the misguided hope that another Anglo-American intervention would restore greater independence and economic prosperity to the region.

* * *

A sprightly nurse inserted a fresh intravenous needle into Biorgina’s forearm.

Dios mío,” Biorgina croaked as the fog around her seemed to fade at last.

The nurse jumped back in surprise, before shouting, “¡Ay, se despertó! ¡Se despertó la comatosa!”

Biorgina swallowed, feeling dizzy. It was difficult to open her eyes, as the muscles had atrophied, rendering them hypersensitive to the light. Squinting, they followed the cracks of peeling paint on the wall before letting themselves rest on a portrait held within a crooked frame. A charismatic-looking man, vaguely paternalistic and wearing red star-emblazoned combat fatigues, stared back at her.

“Where am I?” she managed to vocalize, her heart beginning to beat faster as she became aware of the liquid feeding tubes occupying her nostrils.

Mi corazón . . . ” the nurse replied, still in shock at the miracle of it, “you’re in Managua. Lenin Fonseco Hospital.”

Biorgina’s eyes widened in shock, momentarily indifferent to their fluorescent ecology. Her pupils were like black pimientos, bloodshot nexuses wrapped in pallid pickled olive irises. The strands of her charcoal-shaded mane undulated around her head, cradling it like the weaved together pliable reeds of a wicker basket. Overwhelmed by the blinding light, she then passed out. But a basket case she would soon be no more.

Biorgina felt a warm hand touch her on the shoulder as she came to again. This time, not only did she open her eyes, but she turned her head slightly. A handsome young man decked out in scrubs stood beside her bed.

“I’m sorry, I didn’t mean to startle you,” he began. “My name is Doctor Rafael Delgado. Biorgina, you’ve been in a coma for a very long time. I’ve never seen a patient regain consciousness after such a long-term comatose period. This is truly . . . miraculous!”

“What . . . what year is it?” she asked.

“2016,” the doctor replied. He placed his hand upon her palm. “Biorgina, can you squeeze my hand?”

She gave it a remarkably firm squeeze.

“Very good! I must say, it is an honor to speak with a hero of the Revolución,” he said, almost making Biorgina blush as he continued, “You must know that your recovery will take some time. You need to take it easy for now. We will start you with physical therapy soon, focus on that, and then we can eventually enroll you in an outpatient program, get you readjusted to life on the outside. The world has changed a lot since the last time you were conscious.”

“Oh . . . thank you, doctor.”

On the street outside the hospital, the engine of a passing motor vehicle backfired.

Ay, Contras! Get down!” Biorgina shouted.

Delgado grabbed hold of her. “Biorgina, it’s okay. The Civil War is over! The Contras are defeated!

* * *

A typical day of treatment in physical therapy for Biorgina Guerri consisted in five hours of light and heavy exercises to rebuild her atrophied muscles and get her acquainted with her now forty-seven year old body. The physical therapists at Lenin Fonseco Hospital were astonished by the rapidity with which Biorgina regained her faculties. After two and a half months, she was lifting four and a half kilogram weights. By four months, she was walking, and by five months, she could run. It was, by all accounts, a miraculous recovery, unprecedented in the history of medicine.

Five months, two weeks, and three days after awakening from her thirty year coma, Biorgina was deemed fit for the next phase of treatment: a rigorous outpatient program. In this phase, Doctor Delgado informed Biorgina that she would no longer be required to stay overnight at the hospital. Moreover, her hours of physical therapy would be greatly reduced, supplemented instead by increased psychotherapy and counselling designed to help her come to terms with the loss of thirty prime years of her life and fully transition her mind to life in the 21st century.

Before signing the papers to officially discharge Biorgina and begin the outpatient treatment phase, Doctor Delgado connected her to a state housing program which would provide her with a fully furbished apartment. Unfortunately, Biorgina had no family left to go to. Her parents had long since passed away, while her siblings, also active in the Sandinista movement, had been made martyrs of the Revolution by the same damn Oliver North-funded, cocaine-peddling death squads that put her in a coma.

Later that afternoon, Doctor Delgado called for a taxi cab to come pick Biorgina up from the hospital and take her to her new apartment, located near Managua’s Xolotlán lake front.

“Alright. What do I owe you?” she asked the taxi driver after they had arrived.

No jodas,” the driver retorted.

” . . . You don’t need any money?” She took out a handful of Nicaraguan córdobas, minted in the 1980s. The hospital staff had managed to safeguard the belongings she’d had on her when that Contra commando shot her in the head all those years ago.

“You a time-traveller?” the driver questioned with a raised eyebrow. “Nobody pays for anything in the Union of Central American Socialist Republics. Been that way since 1992. You know, when the A Cada Cual Según sus Necesidades Act criminalized monetary transactions?”

Biorgina looked at the taxi driver incredulously for a moment, thinking that perhaps he was joking, but it seemed he was dead serious. “Thanks,” she muttered, and walked up to her new home.

* * *

The next morning, Biorgina left her coins at home and made use once again of Managua’s free public transportation system to get to the mental health clinic to meet her new psychotherapist. His name was Ivan Moreno.

“Tell me, Biorgina, what is the last thing that you remember of the days before your coma?” Moreno said towards the beginning of their first session together.

“I was with my compañeros from the Sandinista Youth,” she said, recalling her teenage years in the thick of the Nicaraguan Civil War. “We had been distributing pamphlets and tortillas in the pueblo of Bluefields. Then, in the night, those malditos Contras captured us. I . . . I can’t remember what happened after that.”

“Try,” Moreno said.

“There was . . . this face. This ugly face. Knobbly, covered in bumps, like a gourd.”

Moreno sucked in a wisp of air through his teeth, gasping silently. He knew the man she spoke of: Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez. A US-backed right-wing militarist who had been trained at the School of the Americas, in the state of Georgia. The man with the wart-covered face was infamous in the Union of Central American Socialist Republics (UCASR). After fleeing to the United States in the immediate aftermath of the Sandinista triumph over the Contras in 1990, the Nicaraguans tried in vain to win his extradition. Following the unification of the Socialist People’s Republics of Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Belize, and Panama, the UCASR continued to push for him to be brought to justice, but to no avail.

“The face . . . it went down the line, hammering off rounds into each compañero‘s head,” Biorgina sobbed.

“Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez . . . ” Moreno murmured.

Her brief bout of grief turned suddenly into utter outrage. “Who is this Peterson-Gonzalez fuck?” she shouted.

“Central America’s most wanted criminal,” Moreno explained.

“Where is he? Why hasn’t he been brought to justice?”

“In El Norte,” Moreno said. “Those damn Yankee imperialists have been harboring him for decades. After we finally pushed them out of Latin America, their society turned its depravation inwards. A scumbag like him is perfectly at home there.”

“Ivan, there’s so much I don’t understand about this world. What has happened? I see the people joyous in the streets. Housing and public transportation are free. Commodities are distributed according to human need. But still a murdering prick like this can escape justice?”

“Indeed, it is a travesty,” Moreno replied. “Though there was a bit of poetic justice when Ronald Reagan was executed for crimes against humanity after he was intercepted on his way to a meeting in Switzerland, back in 1994. The bastard thought his status as former head of state would give him diplomatic immunity, shield him from justice. Thankfully the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China used their influence in the United Nations Security Council to push for a stronger application of international human rights law. Reagan was arrested and swiftly brought to trial, judged by the same standards as Nuremberg. But those damn yanqui imperialists grew crafty after that. They did not risk sending their war criminal politicians abroad, where they knew that their pathetic Constitution would be overridden by international human rights law.”

Híjoles, thank goodness at least one of them got a taste of justice,” said Biorgina. “That was such an uncertain time, 1986. Some people were saying that the USSR would not even last another five years. Dark times, they were. I honestly wouldn’t have been surprised if I’d have woken up in a world dominated by neo-liberalism and free market fundamentalist ideology, God forbid.”

“Yes, I remember the 1980s like they were yesterday,” Moreno replied. “Fortunately, the USSR was bolstered by the spread of Communism to Latin America. After the FSLN and FMLN seized power in Nicaragua and El Salvador, national liberation movements spread like wild fire across the region, thanks to help from our Cuban and Soviet allies, of course.”

“I only wish I could have been conscious to participate in these astonishing political developments myself,” Biorgina remarked. “Please, tell me more.”

“In Europe, the Warsaw Pact quickly took on more and more member states as the façade of liberalism crumbled when the Yankee imperialists were forced to withdraw their occupation forces to enforce martial law on the homefront. You see, the social eruption in Latin America turned Communism into a behemoth, one that they would have to reckon with on their own turf. In 1995, America plunged into its Second Civil War. The leftist forces were defeated in 2001, but at great social and economic cost. Millions of lives were lost, campaigns of ethnic cleansing swept the nation, and the country emerged a virtual fortress: a settler-state enclave of crazed gun-hording white sociopaths surrounded by towering anti-immigrant walls.”

Ay,” Biorgina croaked. This was becoming upsetting. Her vision became blurred; her head was spinning.

“I’m sorry, Biorgina,” said Moreno. “Surely that was too much information to present you with all at once. We’ll continue bringing you up to speed with the 21st century in our next session. Until then, go out and enjoy life in Socialist Central America.”

Biorgina went back to her apartment. She ruminated on the injustice of it all. Thirty years, almost two-thirds of her life, had been robbed of her, and this Contra scumbag was still living as a free man. Biorgina’s rage-filled rumination quickly led her to the realization that her desire was nothing other than revenge.

The next day she went to her scheduled three hour psychotherapy session with Ivan Moreno.

“Good to see you again, Biorgina,” Moreno said, greeting her as she walked into his quaint office.

“Spare me the flatteries, doc,” Biorgina retorted agitatedly as she took a seat in his chaise longue. She reclined. “We both know what my successful recovery necessitates.”

“Errm, I’m afraid you’ll have to be a bit more explicit,” the psychotherapist said.

“Vengence,” Biorgina throated.

“Ah, sweet catharsis. We’re making progress here,” Moreno replied.

“Can the therapeutic bullshit, doc! All I want is to blast a damned bullet through that rat bastard’s forehead!”

Moreno began to chuckle in a light-hearted fashion.

“I’m gonna do it, doc. I’m gonna waste that rat bastard,” Biorgina said with resolve.

“Biorgina, stop speaking like a blasted teenager. You’re a forty-seven year old woman!”

“Fuck you, Ivan! I am a damned teenager. I was una joven Sandinista when this shit began, and I’ll be una joven Sandinista when this shit is over!” She jumped out of the chaise longue and began pacing the room.

“Biorgina, please, a bit of calm,” Moreno breathed. “Let’s be rational here. If the whole state apparatus of the Union of Central American Socialist Republics has not been able to render Peterson-Gonzalez justice, what makes you think you can? You want to go into the belly of the beast? It’s a suicide mission. The border wall is fifty feet high, topped with barbed wire, and guarded by heavily armed Minutemen and other white nationalist vigilante groups. And even if you did make it in, the populace is racist as fuck, and armed to the teeth as well. Perhaps you could seek refuge in the Negro Reservations, but even that is a gamble.”

“That may well be, Ivan. But I’ll be damned if I don’t give it a try.”

Moreno leaned back in his armchair, a strange chill coming over him. He shivered and recalled how passionately he had detested the Contras back in the day. Was this really what he had become? Some old conservative hack discouraging a militant leftist from exacting revenge on one of the biggest scumbags on the planet?

“Alright, Biorgina. I can help you get into El Norte. It won’t be easy. But you will get in.”

Ay, gracias, Ivan,” said Biorgina.

“My son, Ignacio, lives in the Autonomous Federation of Indigenous Soviets of Mexico. He is a coyote, smuggling Latinos across the border into the USA. He can help you enter that horrible country.”

“You mean to tell me our people still go there for work?” Biorgina questioned incredulously.

“What, you thought those gringos would do hard labor themselves?” Moreno laughed.

Biorgina continued therapy for another fortnight. After that discussion, her sessions with Moreno focused more on mental preparation for taking the life of another human being than on recovering her sanity or healing from her trauma.

“There is,” Moreno informed her during their last session, “a clandestine network of leftist radicals in El Norte which is still operational. They’ve been underground since 2001. My son, Ignacio, is familiar with many of them, as a major slice of their revenue comes from human smuggling. With their help, you may be able to track down Peterson-Gonzalez.”

* * *

Biorgina entered Mexico and met with Ignacio Moreno in Nuevo Laredo, close to the Texan border. Ignacio brought her with a fairly large group of Latino migrant workers through a subterranean tunnel which bypassed the border fence. After that she was clandestinely transported in a freight train to Des Moines, Iowa: one of several hubs of the Underground Resistance smuggling network. The journey was harrowing. She was locked in one of the freight train’s boxcars, alone with no food or water for almost a week. She made it, but she was practically emaciated when she arrived at the train depot in Des Moines. Too weak to even stand up. The train stopped and she sat there for hours. This is it, she began to think. This is the end. I’m going to die here, anonymously. Fucking Ignacio, he told me he made all the arrangements.

“This is the one,” she finally heard a muffled voice say through the metal.

“You sure?” another hushed voice inquired.

“Check the graffiti. You see it? The mark of the Underground Resistance sprayed over here.”

“C’mon, let’s do this before the bulls show up,” a third voice chimed in.

Biorgina saw the tip of a crowbar enter through a crack in the boxcar door.

“Goddamn. Let’s get you out of here,” a member of the Underground Resistance croaked as she laid eyes upon Biorgina.

Biorgina was quickly shuttled to a safe house and given food, drink, and a futon in the basement on which to rest. It took four days for her to fully recuperate her strength. At the safe house she got to know several members of the Resistance: the ones who had rescued her. Their noms de guerre were Gizella, Facundo, Zbigniew, and Bladimir.

“So this Peterson-Gonzalez dude,” Biorgina said to them one evening, “y’all heard of him?”

The single light bulb illuminating the basement of the safe house flickered. Cockroaches scuttled across the cement floor.

“We are certainly familiar with him. One of the most infamous figures of the Contra War,” said Zbigniew, taking a sip from a can of beer. “After the Second Civil War broke out in 1995, he was implicated in several anti-Black pogroms. The movement calling for his extradition to Central America became something of an international cause célèbre.”

“We have an idea of his general whereabouts,” said Bladimir. “Somewhere in the vicinity of Langley, Virginia. Rumor has it the militarist sod is working as an Evangelical minister now. Can you believe it? A murderous prick like that?”

“Yes . . . ” Gizella added, “there is a doxxing database, maintained by the Underground Resistance to keep tabs on an array of the petty bourgeoisie’s shock troops: right-wing activists and paramilitaries wanted by the international community for crimes against humanity committed during the Second Civil War. You’d be surprised how many of ’em ended up joining the clerical caste after the war. Must bring ’em some kinda relief, I s’pose, assuage the guilt somehow.”

“Why don’t you simply waste these right-wing fucks now, when they least expect it?” Biorgina asked.

“The preparations are under way,” Gizella replied. “We’ve been underground for fifteen years now. But if we make our move too soon, our whole network could be jeopardized. All that prep for nothing. You don’t even want to know what they do to captured members of the Underground Resistance in the internment camps.”

“Our network is growing more powerful by the day,” Facundo chimed in. “But Gizella is right. For now, we must lie in wait, make preparations silently. Build our organization, our infrastructure. Then, one day, the whole world will see what a miniscule cabal of deranged militants can accomplish!”

“But I know nothing of your Underground Resistance network. I’ve been in a coma for most of the last thirty years. Let me go after Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez. Even if I am captured alive, I will have little information to divulge, even under the severest of torture.”

“This Biorgina chick has a point,” said Bladimir to his comrades. “We could use someone like her. And such a brazen act of propaganda of the deed would surely help boost our numbers.”

“What you say is true, Bladimir,” Gizella conceded.

“Yes,” Facundo added. “If Biorgina were to succeed in carrying out an attack on Peterson-Gonzalez, it would be an incredible boon to the Resistance movement. I’m constantly hearing complaints from our recruitment officers that the recent lull in armed propaganda actions is putting a serious damper on our grassroots growth.”

“Say no more,” Zbigniew croaked, looking up from a somber laptop screen covered in oscillating columns of cascading and glimmering green characters. “The mission is already being prepped as we speak.”

* * *

It was Sunday morning. Biorgina rode in the back of a nondescript, sparsely windowed van headed for Langley, Virginia: the town where Peterson-Gonzalez carried out his ministry. Accompanying her were two members of the Underground Resistance. Their noms de guerre were Philomena and Kleon. The latter drove down Allen Dulles Memorial Parkway, about to exit onto Robert E. Lee Boulevard, while the former sat in the back with Biorgina, giving her all the last minute intel she would need to carry out the brazen assassination of Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez.

“If you want this shit to go down smooth, you’ll need to be quick,” Philomena said in a soothing tone that was, given the circumstances, remarkably calm and reassuring. “We’ll drop you off in front of the church, you run in there, gun the mofo down, we’ll circle the block, and if the coast is clear, pick you back up.”

“And if the coast isn’t clear?” Biorgina questioned.

“Well, you’re on your own.”

Biorgina anxiously swallowed nothing.

“You truly are a brave woman, Biorgina,” Philomena said as she put a warm hand on her shoulder.

Biorgina pulled back the bolt handle on the Cambodian-made Kalashnikov rifle she had been given by Zbigniew.

“Shit,” Kleon could be heard muttering in the front seat. A siren began to blare. He pulled over quickly, hoping to play it smooth and arouse as little suspicion as possible.

Biorgina and Philomena tried to hide themselves as best they could in the backseat during the tense few seconds between Kleon pulling over and the policeman approaching the van.

“Lahcense and registration,” the cop growled.

Kleon reached for his wallet.

“No sudden movements!” the cop shouted, taking a step back and placing his hand on his firearm, though leaving it still in its holster.

Kleon moved his hand more slowly.

“Mind if Ah have a look in back?” the law enforcer questioned.

Kleon knew he had to lie; the odds of the Fourth Amendment being upheld in this day and age were near nil. Flat out denying consent to a search would surely sound alarm bells in the copper’s mind.

“Sir, I’ve got to get to church. I’m taking Bibles to the Sunday school and they start in five minutes. Please don’t hold me up!”

The cop, being a devout Evangelical Christian, was genuinely affected by this appeal, but still wanted to make a quick search. “Step outer the vee-hickle, son. Now git back here an’ opener up.”

Kleon popped the lock, and the officer unhinged the back door of the van.

Biorgina had managed to hide her assault rifle before the officer saw the two women there.

“Step outer the vee-hickle, pleayse! Say, where y’all ladies from?” the cop questioned.

“West Virginia, sir,” Philomena answered quickly, knowing Biorgina’s Nicaraguan accent would be a dead giveaway.

“Say, you look purdy dark, miss. What race’re you?” the cop jeered at Biorgina, unhooking his walkie-talkie and garbling, “Got a racially suspicious individual, possibly a stray off the rez, pro-ceeding to brown paper bag test,” before she could even reply.

“Now listen here, sir,” Philomena began. “This is my cousin! She’s a Melungeon, got Portuguese roots. That’s why she looks funny.”

“Ah’ve heard it a million times,” the hick policeman shot back. “Less let the brown paper bag decide if she’s whiter not!”

The policeman turned and went to his squad car to search for his government-issued brown paper bag, the official means by which the acceptable level of melanin a free individual could possess was measured.

Bam! . . . Bam! . . . Bam! A deafening succession of gunshots rang out like firecrackers on the Fourth of July. In total, Kleon had slammed off seven rounds of pistol fire into the copper’s back.

“Get back in the van!” Kleon shouted.

“Wait a sec,” Philomena replied before going into the police cruiser and kicking the dashboard cam off with her foot. She tossed it on the ground before grabbing the gun off the cop’s cadaver and slamming off a flurry of slugs into it. “Okay,” she breathed.

The trio of radical communists got back in the van and continued to make their way to Nuestro Señor de la Sagrada Contrarrevolución Pentecostal Church, the establishment where Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez carried out his ministry. It wasn’t much further. The church, located a stone’s throw from the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency, served many of the families of the white Hispanic, School of the Americas-trained militarists who, after being driven out of Latin America, called El Norte their home.

“Damn, I don’t like this,” said Kleon. “You heard him radio in. Dispatch is gonna know something’s up when he doesn’t report on the results of the brown paper bag test. Better make this quick.”

Arriving at the church, Biorgina burst out of the van’s rear end. Churchgoers were trickling towards the front door. She raised her assault rifle menacingly and began to indiscriminately pepper the devout with gunfire. Knowing that she was in a Southern state, she just couldn’t run the risk of some armed bystander putting a stop to her. Biorgina then ran up to the front doors of the church, large and looming. She kicked them open and entered the ecclesiastical narthex. There she gunned down several more parishioners before swiftly making her way to the sanctuary doors. She paused a moment and loaded a fresh magazine into her Kalashnikov, ensuring that she would have enough ammo to take out any wannabe heroes.

The wart-faced militarist stood before the congregation, his jaw dropped in shock as Biorgina once again shouldered her rifle and began to pop off rounds into members of the congregation who had stood up and began running towards her, seemingly in an effort to bum rush and disarm her.

“Nadie se mueve!” Biorgina bellowed as another Pentecostal bit the dust. The congregation cowered in fear before the might of this feminine warrior. “Esto es para los mártires de la Revolución!”

Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez turned towards the cross above the altar and raised his arms sanctimoniously.

Ratatatatat! Biorgina went trigger happy, pumping the militarist rat bastard full of lead. She then raised her fist in the air in a gesture once known as a Black Power salute, and hammered off several more rounds into the ceiling in an intense display of bravado.

Another churchgoer got up and attempted to bum rush Biorgina, but she heard his footsteps approaching and was able to turn and slam off a slug into the would-be hero just in the nick of time. Biorgina then kneeled down briefly, made the sign of the cross, and fled the scene.

Outside, Kleon and Philomena were just pulling up to the curbside, having circled the block.

“Quick, get in!” Philomena shouted.

The assault was so brazen, so swift, so unexpected, so close to the belly of the beast, that by the time law enforcement arrived on the scene, the perpetrator and her co-conspirators were already deep in the hills of West Virginia. Kleon pulled over near the peak of a bluff. The trio of left-wing extremists sat on some big rocks. Kleon pulled out a blunt and lit up.

Biorgina basked in the jubilance of successfully exacted revenge. Now that her mission was complete, she could go back to the Union of Central American Socialist Republics and do what she’d always wanted, before being side-tracked by this insane quest for violent vengeance: participate in the construction of a socialist society.

* * *

The Underground Resistance assisted Biorgina in making her way back to Mexico. First shuttled back to Des Moines by van, she was then once again stowed away in a freight train to Nuevo Laredo. Along the way, Biorgina could hear what sounded like acts of mass civil disobedience taking place. Effectively, the assassination of Peterson-Gonzalez had unclenched a wave of unrest and mayhem. Word of Biorgina’s brazen act of premeditated murder spread like a prairie fire among the members of the Underground Resistance. Impressed by her fearless direct action, members of the Underground Resistance began to emulate Biorgina nationwide. Assassinations, roadside improvised explosive devices, incitation to riot, you name it; countless new forms of propaganda of the deed began to shake the country to its very core. Negro and Hispanic Reservations, already overflowing with discontented working class folks, could no longer contain the underclass. The white bourgeois supremacist government responded swiftly with a rigorous implementation of martial law, but this only spurred the masses to fight with more tenacity and lack of sense of individual self-preservation. Instead, a spirit of collective preservation seemed to take over the masses’ consciousness. This proved Gizella’s and Facundo’s concerns about premature launch to be unwarranted: revolution had been long overdue, and now was the time to unleash its terror.

When Biorgina arrived in Nuevo Laredo, Ignacio Moreno was there at the opening of the people smuggling tunnel to greet her.

Ay, tuviste suerte,” Ignacio began. “Everything’s gone to hell in El Norte! I didn’t think you would make it out alive!”

“Well, I did,” Biorgina croaked, dehydrated from the long boxcar ride.

Ay, bet you could use some pinche agua,” Ignacio said.

Biorgina stayed with Ignacio for a couple of days, recuperating from the harrowing journey, before continuing on her way back home to Nicaragua.

When she got back to Managua, she took a free cab to her state-provided housing. She climbed up the steps of the apartment building. Neighbors were smiling at her, and she smiled back. She opened up the door to her apartment.

“Surprise!” a crowd of people shouted, Ivan Moreno and Doctor Delgado among them. Others included old members of the Sandinista Youth, some of whom Biorgina had worked with during the Contra War.

Ay, Dios mío!” Biorgina said. “You shouldn’t have!”

“Of course we should have,” Delgado shot back. “You’re a hero, Biorgina!”

“Yes, and it’s bigger than Peterson-Gonzalez. Soon El Norte will succumb to the scourge of Marxian socialism!” Moreno added in a tongue-in-cheek fashion.

An old comrade from the Sandinista Youth approached with a bowl of tortilla chips and salsa, and shouted, “Let’s get this fiesta started!”

The party was pleasant, though not overly raucous. As it began to wind down, Biorgina sat on the couch with Delgado, Moreno, and several activists and watched television. A UCASR journalist was reporting on the ongoing revolution in El Norte, live from Washington DC, having arrived there through the Underground Resistance’s people smuggling network.

“Masses of youths have just stormed the United States Capitol Building. We’re receiving reports that other centers of governance are already under occupation as well,” the reporter spoke.

In the background crowds of rowdy and rough-looking individuals could be heard chanting, “No justice, no peace — fuck the po-lice!”

A strange man then jumped in front of the camera and proclaimed, “Sometimes you gotta get down and dirty, get them low vibrations, before you rise up, like the seed!

Just then, blood began to splatter all over the screen. The National Guard was massacring the protesters.

Biorgina closed her eyes, a feeling of warmness enveloping her from below.

Meanwhile, back in Fairfax County, Virginia, Jorge Peterson-Gonzalez lay in a hospital bed, deep in a coma.


If you enjoyed this short story, be sure to check out my 21st century proletarian novel Raving Radicals Bathed in Blax.

Installment 15 = NOW AVAILABLE

May your lecture pleasure know no bounds, dear readers! The 15th chapter of Raving Radicals Bathed in Blax – “Revolutionary Cultural Renaissance in Santiago’s Garage” is now up–available just for you! Expect more Santa Muerte worship, but not just.

OUT NOW !! “Crackdown” (14th installment in RAVING RADICALS BATHED IN BLAX)

Yo to all my illustrious readers. After another extended hiatus, which you must once again forgive me for failing to announce ahead of time, installment 14 of Raving Radicals Bathed in Blax is now available for your lecture pleasure.

This installment is titled “CRACKDOWN” and follows the Radical Book Club’s daring direct action and the jailbreak of Tisha and five other detainees. In this chapter we’ll get to know the law enforcement types a bit better.

Installments should now be posted on the regular interval (1 per 1-3 days), until the first half of August, when you can expect another pause. Then I foresee clear sailing until the epic finale.

A Radical Book Club has gone awry. The Liberation Struggle has begun!

Dear Comrades, Readers, Friends and Skeptics,

You can now read the 12th installment of Raving Radicals Bathed in Blax here on my wordpress site. The 12th installment is called “The Liberation Struggle Begins”. This chapter sees Witherslapt, Pedrocco, Paty, Izzy, and Franky infiltrate a black site and …well… I won’t give away too many spoilers. This installment concludes “Part One: A Radical Book Club Gone Awry”.

Get ready for “Part Two: Taken to Another Level”. This second part will include another 12 installments which will be posted over a similar intervals of time as the first 12 chapters (about 1 chapter per 1-3 days).

Read away!